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THE 

TEXT-BOOK 

OF THE 

WASHIJ^GTOJ^ 
BEJ\rEVOLEJ^T SOCIETY: 

CONTAINING 
A BIOGRAPHY AND GHARACTEH * 

OF 

HIS 

FAREWELL ADDRESS 

TO THE 

i* THE UNITED STATES. 

4 

ANB THE 






^DERAL CONSTITUTION, 

WITH THE AMENDMENTS, 



C!)irtJ €tiition> 



CONCORD: 

PUBLISHED BY GEORGE HOUGH, 

Sold at the Concord Book-Store. 

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 
OF 

GEORGE WASHlNGTOJs^. 



General George Washington was 
born in the parish of Washington, West- 
moreland county, in Virginia, February 
22, 3,'73n, He was the third son (and 
first rry a second marriage) of Mr. Au- 
gustine ^Vkshington, a planter and far- 
mer of respectable talents, distinguished 
I reputation, and large estate, in Virginia, 
j The ancestors of this gentleman, about 
I the year 1657, removed from Yorkshire 
' in England, to Virginia, and settled in 
King George's county. 

The General's early education, con- 
ducted by a private tutor, under the di- 
rection,of his father, was such as favored 



4 Biography of Washington, 

the production of an athletic and vigor- 
ous body, and the formation of a correct 
and solid mind. Inhaling a pure moun- 
tain air, accustomed to the healthful 
occupations of rural life, and to the man- 
ly toils of the chace, his Jimbs expanded 
to a robust, well proportioned, and grace- 
ful size, adapted to endure the fatigues 
of his future life, and to sustain the ac- 
tive energies of his noble soul. By ]ik 
tutor he was taught English grammai^ 
the elements of the mathematics^i^nd 
the rudiments of the Latin language. 

At the age of ten years, his father 
died. When he was fifteen years^ * age, 
he entered as a midshipman on board a 
British ship of war, stationed on the 
coast of Virginia ; but his mother, then 
a widow, expressing her reluctance at 
his engaging in that professioii, the plan 
was relinquished. — At the age of nine- 
teen years, he was appointed Adjutant 
General of the militia of one of the dis- 
tricts in the then province of Virginia, 
with the rank of Major. During the 



Biography of Washington, 5 

twentieth year of his age, he was selected 
and deputed by Governor Dinw iddie, of 
Virginia, to undertake an arduous and 
dangerous embassy to the then French 
commander on the Ohio, Monsieur de St. 
Pierre, complaining of the infractions of 
the treaties subsisting between Great Bri- 
tain and France, and to endeavour to pre- 
vent the calamities of war on the frontiers. 
^^— .This journey of several hundred miles, 
through a wilderness inhabited only by 
savage beasts and more savage Indians, he 
commenced late in the month of October, 
on foot, with but few^ attendants; and he 
endured the fatigues, and performed the 
duties of liis mission, with uncommon 
fortitude, industry, and address. By 
his journal of this expedition, he mani- 
fested that strength and correctness of 
mind, that ease and manliness of style, 
and that judgment and accuracy in doing 
1 business, which afterwards characteriz- 
I ed him in conducting more arduous af» 
fairs. 



6 Biography of Washington. 

Notwithstanding the remonstrances of 
Major Washington, in behalf of the gov- 
ernment of Virginia, preparations were 
made by the French and Indians to at- 
tack the Colonies, and a war became nn- 
avoidable. In 1754, when only twenty- 
two years of age, he received a commis- 
sion of Lieut. Colonel in the Provincial 
army. During this year, he greatly dis- 
tinguished himself in a number of despe- 
rate battles with the French and In- 
dians ; and in 1755, resigning his com- 
mand as a Lieutenant Colonel, he join- 
ed the British General Braddock as 
a volunteer and Aid-de-Camp. On 
his march against the enemy, Braddock 
was attacked, slain, and his army rout- 
ed; and had it not been for the prudence 
and military skill of Washington, who 
conducted the retreat, the British army 
would have been totally destroyed. 

Soon after this, the government of 
Virginia appointed him commander of 
all the troops raised and to be raised in 
the colony.— This commission he held. 



Biography of Washington. 7 

till the year 1759, wheiij tranquility be- 
ing restored on the frontiers, he resigned 
his military appointment. He soon after 
married Mrs. Martha Custis, an amiable 
and beautiful young widow, and settled 
as a planter and farmer on his favorite, 
delightful seat, the far-famed Mount 
Vernon. 

General Washington was not less dis- 
tinguished as a farmer than, as a war- 
rior and a statesman. He undertook 
every thing on a great scale, proportion- 
ed to his great and comprehensive mind 5 
and his exact and exemplary method in 
transacting all his business, enabled him 
to accomplish more, and in a more per- 
fect and advantageous manner, than per- 
haps any other man of the age. He 
was one of the largest land-holders iu 
the United States 5 and in 1787 his estate 
at Mount Vernon consisted of about nine 
thousand acres, under his own cultiva- 
tion. Agriculture was his favorite em- 
ployment, and he pursued it in a manner 
worthy of himself. 



•S Biography of TVashington. 

From the time that Washington left 
the provincial army, in 1709, until the 
year l774j he was constantly a member 
of the Virginia Assembly : he was also 
a Magistrate of the county in* which he 
lived, and a Judge of the Court. In 
±77% he was elected a Delegate to the 
first Congress; and also to that of 1775, 
It was while he was a member of this 
Congress of the wisest men in North 
America, that he was, on the 10th of 
June, 1775, appointed, by their unani- 
mous vote. Commander in Chief of all 
the forces raised, or to be raised, for the 
defence of the then Colonies : and he 
arrived in the camp at Cambridge, and 
took the command of the American 
army, July 2, 1775. 

On the establishment of the Indepen- 
dence of the United States, and the con- 
elusion of peace in 1783, he again re- 
signed his military command, and retired 
to the shades of Mount Venion ; where 
the virtuous simplicity which distiu' 
guished his private life* though Irss 



Biography of Washington, 9 

known than the dazzling splendor of 
his military achievements, was not less 
edifying in example, or less worthy the 
attention of his countrymen. 

In 1787, he was again called from his 
retirement, being elected a member of 
the Convention which sat at Philadel- 
phia in the summer of that year, and 
which framed the present Constitution 
of the United States. Of this Conven- 
tion of sages he was chosen President, 
and with his name sanctioned the Con- 
stitution of their and his country's 
choice. — ^When this Constitution was to 
be organized and put in operation, by 
the election of proper officers, the Unit- 
ed States, with one voice summoned him 
to the chair of government ; and on the 
30th of April, 1789, he was inaugurated 
President of the United States, in the 
city of New York, amidst the acclama- 
tions of thousands of spectators. 

In 1792, he was again unanimously 
elected President of the United States 

A.2 



10 Biography of Washington* 

for four years from the 4th of March 
.4793. 

In September 1796, having determined 
to retire from public life, h,e announced 
that determination to the people of the 
United States, by the celebrated Vale- 
dictory Address hereto annexed ; and 
on the 3d of March 1797, finished his 
second Presidential term, and* again re- 
turned to domestic life, at his delightful 
seat at Mount Vernon. 

In July 1798, in consequence of an 
expected war with France, he was ap- 
pointed, by President Adams, and ac- 
cepted the office of Lieutenant General 
of the Armies of the United States. The 
acceptance of this command was his last 
public act. 

He died at Mount Vernon, after an 
illness of onlv twentv-four hours, De- 
cember 14^ 1799, in the 68tb year of M^ 
asre. 



€HARACTEE 

OF 

"--GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



For the sake of those who have 
never seen General Washington, it may 
be worth while to observe, that his per- 
son wasgraeefui, well proportioned, and 
nneoramonly tall. When he was cheer- 
ful, he had a most engaging eouj|;(:enanee ; 
when grave, a most respectable one. 
There was at all times an air of majesty 
and dignity in his appearance. 

His learning was of a singular kind ; 
he overstepped the tedious forms of the 
schools, and, by the force of a correct 
taste and sound judgment, seized on the 
great ends of learning, without the as- 
sistance of those means whicli have been 
contrived to prepare less active minds 



12 Character of Washington. 

for public business. By a careful study 
of the English language, by reading good 
models of fine writing, and, above all, 
by the aid of a vigorous mind, he made 
himself master of a pure, elegant, and 
classical style. His composition was all 
nerve ; full of correct and manly ideas, 
Vf^hich were expressed in precise and for- 
cible language. His answers to the in-* 
numerable addresses, which on all pub- 
lic occasions poured in upon him, were 
promptly made, handsomely expressed, 
and always contained something appro- 
priate. His letters to congress — his ad^ 
dresses to that body on the acceptance 

and resignation of his commission his 

general orders as Commander in Chief..., 
his speeches and messages as President 
»....and above all, his two farewell ad- 
dresses to the people of the United 
States, will remain lasting monuments 
of the goodness of his heart, of the wis- 
dom of his head, and of the eloquence of 
his pen. 
The powers of his mind were in some 



Character of Washington. 13 

respects peculiar. He was a great prac- 
tical, self-taught genius, with a head to 
devise, and a hand to execute projects of 
the first magnitude and greatest utility. 
Happily for his country, he was not un- 
der the dominion of a warm imagination ; 
hut he possessed, in an eminent degree, 
what was of infinitely more consequence, 
a correct, solid judgment. This was im- 
proved by close thinking, and strength'* 
ened by daily exercise. Possessing a 
large proportion of common sense, unin- 
fluenced by prejudice, passion, or party 
spirit ; deliberately weighing, in Ihe bal- 
ance of a sound judgment, the possible 
and probable consequences of every step 
he took, and being always under the in- 
fluence of an honest, good heart,, he was 
imperceptibly led to decisions that were 
wise and judicious. It is not pretended 
that he was infallible ; but it may, with 
truth, be asserted, that in the multiplici- 
ty of business on which he had to decide, 
his errors were as few in number, as veni- 
fij in their nature, and as unimportant in 



±4* , , Character of Washins:ton. 

Iheir consequences, as could reasonably 
be expected in the present imperfect state 
of the wisest and best of men. 

Enemies he had, but they were few, 
and chiefly of the same family witli the 
man, who could not bear to hear Aris- 
tides always called Tlie Just. Among 
them all, I have never heard of one who 
charged him with any habitual vice, or 
even foible. There are few men of any 
kind, and still fewer of those the world 
calls great, who have not some of their 
virtues eclipsed by corresponding vices. 
But this was not the case with General 
Washington. He had religion without 
austerity, dignity without pride, modes- 
ty without diffidence, courage without 
rashness, politeness without affectation, 
affability without familiarity. His pri- 
vate character, as well as his public one, 
will bear the strictest scrutiny. He 
was punctual in all his engagements, 
upright and honest in his dealings, tem- 
perate in his enjoyments, liberal and hos- 
pitable to an eminent degree, a lover of 



Oharader of TFashington. IB 

arder, systematical and methodical in 
all his arrangements. He was the friend of 
morality and religion— steadily attend- 
ed on public worship, encouraged and 
strengthened the hands of the clergy : In 
all his public acts, he made the most re- 
spectful mention of Providence ; and, in 
a word, carried the spirit of piety with 
him, both in his private life and public 
administration. He was far from being 
one of those minute philosophers, who 
believe that " death is an eternal sleep" 
— or of those, who, trusting to the suffi- 
ciency of human reason, discard the light 
of Divine Revelation. 

Among his virtues, his patience and 
spirit of accommodation deserve particu- 
lar notice. He had to form soldiers of 
freemen — ^many of whom had extravi- 
gant ideas of their personal rights. He 
had often to mediate between a starving 
army, and a high spirited yeomanry. So 
great were the necessities of the soldiers, 
under his immediate command, that he 
was obliged to send out detachments to 



10 Character of Washington. 

seize on the property of the farmers at 
the point of the bayonet. The language 
of the soldiers was. " Give me clothing—- 
give me food, or I cannot fight — I cannot 

live." The language of the farmer 

was, " Protect my property." In this 
choice of difficulties, General Washing- 
ton not only kept his army together, but 
conducted with so much prudence, as to 
command the approbation both of the ar- 
my and of the citizens. — He was also de- 
pendant for much of his support, on the 
concurrence of thirteen distinct uncon- 
nected legislatures. Aniinosities prevail- 
ed between his southern and northern 
troops ; and there were strong jealousies 
between the States from which they re- 
spectively came. To harmonize these 
clashing interests — to make uniform ar- 
rangements from such discordant sources 
and materials, required no common share 
of address : yet so great was the effect 
of the modest, unassuming manners oi 
General Washington, that he retained 



Cliaracter of Washington. 17 

the affection of all his troops, and of all 
the States. 

In battle, he was the bravest among 
tlie brave. When the service required 
it, he cheerfully risked his person. Of 
this, many instances may be euumerated. 
Particularly, that on New-York island, 
and at the battle of Princeton, he was so 
far in front of his troops, and exposed to 
so much danger, that the preservation of 
his life can only be accounted for by 
those who believe in a particular Provi- 
dence. 

General Washington also possessed 
equanimity in an eminent degree. One 
even tenor marked the greatness of liis 
mind, in all the variety of scenes through 
which he passed. In the most trying 
situations, he never despaired, nor was he 
ever depressed. Propositions, supported 
by plausible assignments, were made to 
liim, by honest, but despairing, timid 
Americans, to save himself and his coun- 
try by negociating at the head of his ar- 
my ; but, in the lowest ebb of affairs, he 



18 Character of TFashington. 

spurned at every such proposal. The 
lionors and applause he received from his 
grateful countrymen, at more fortunate 
periods, would have made any other 
man giddy ; but on him they had no mis- 
chievous effect. He exacted none of those 
attentions— but, when forced upon him, 
he received them as favors, with the 
politeness of a well bred man. He was 
great in deserving them, but much 
greater in not being elated with them. 

The patriotism of our departed friend 
was of the most ardent kind, and without 
alloy. He was very differ^t from those 
noisy patriots, who, te?if/i love of country in 
their mouths, and with hell in their hearts^ 
lay their schemes for aggrandizing them- 
selves at every hazard ; but he was one 
of those, who love their country in sinceri- 
ty, and who hold themselves bound to 
consecrate all their talents to its service. 
Numerous were the difliculties with 
which he had to contend. Great were 
the dangers he had to encounter. Va- 
rious the toils and services in which be 



Character of Washington, 19 

had to share, — But to all difficulties and 
dangers he rose superior ; to all toils and 
services he cheerfully submitted for his 
country's good. 

Possessing an ample, unincumbered 
fortune^— happy at home, in the most 
pleasing domestic connexions — what but 
love of country could have induc- 
ed him to accept the command of the 
American army in 1775 ?— Could it be 
hatred of Great Britain? He then ar- 
dently loved her, and panted for a recon- 
ciliation with her. — Could it be partiali- 
ty for a military life ? He was then in 
the forty -fourth year of his age, when a 

fondness for camps generally abates 

Could it be love of fame? The whole 
tenor of his life forbids us to believe that 
he ever was under the undue influence of 
this passion : Fame followed him, but 
he never pursued it. — Could it have been 
the love of power ? They who best knew 
the undissembled wishes of his heart, will 
all tell you with what reluctance he was 
dragged from a private station, and with 



^20 Character of Wdshingtmi. 

what ineffable delight he returned to it- 
Had he not voluntarily declined it, he | 
would have died our President. Others 
have resigned high stations from dis^ 
gu«t ; but he retired at rather an early 
period of old age, while his faculties 
were strong, and his health not much 
impaired, and when the great body of the 
people sincerely loved him, and ardently 
wished for his re-election. — Could it 
have been the love of money that induc- 
ed him, to accept the command of the 
American army ? No such thing. When 
he was appointed Commander in Chief, 
Congress made him a handsome allow- 
ance ; but in his acceptance of the com- 
mand, he declared, that " as no pecunia- 
ry consideration could have tempted him 
to accept the arduous employment, at the 
expense of his domestic ease and happi- 
ness, he did not wish to make any profit 
from it."...." I will keep," said he, " an 
exact account of my expenses ; these, I 
doubt not, you will discharge — and that 
is all I desire." — At the close of the war, 



Character of Washington. ^1 

he produced his accounts for the eight 
years it had lasted, all in his own 
hand writing, and with the same exact- 
ness that was required of commissaries. 
The whole amounted to £14,479 : 18 : 9 : J 
sterling, [§64,33^ : 29i] — Of this sum^ 
about one seventh [S9193 : 6l4] was for 
secret services. The amount paid, the 
time when, and the occasions on which 
monies were advanced for secret ser- 
vices, were all carefully noticed ; but 
for obvious reasons, no receipts were 
produced. For every other item of the 
account, the most regular vouchers were 
exhibited. The whole, at the request of 
General Washington, was minutely ex- 
amined by the proper accounting oiSeers, 
and regularly passed. A tin box, eon- 
I taining these accounts, remains in one of 
, the offices of the United states. It is a 
monument of the disinterestedness of 
I General Washington. Citizens of the 
' United States, bring your children and 
your children's children to examine its 
ceutents— shew them the hand-writing 



2-2 Character of Washington. 

of the FATHER of their country — teach 1 
them thereon ]^ssons of economy, ol 
order and method, in expenses — teacli i 
them to love their country. 

Fellow citizens, cherish the remem* 
hrance of the virtues of the dear deceas- 
ed. Learn from him to be all eye, all 
ear, all heart and hand, in the service 
of your country : think no sacrifice too 
great, no labor too hard, which public 
good requires at your hands. Rehearse 
to your children, and instruct them to 
rehearse to theirs, the noble deeds of 
your common father, and inspire them 
with a holy resolution to go and do like- 
wise. His great example, thus imprav* 
ed, will be a germ of virtuous actions 
through succeeding generations, till 
time shall be no more. 

The same reasoning will apply with 
still greater force, to General Washing-* 
ton's acceptance of the office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. No motives, 
but those of the purest kind, could have 
induced him, loaded with honors, and 



Character of Washington. 23 

Ipossessed of a reputation that had car- 
ried his name to the remotest corners of 
the globe, to quit his beloved retirement 
for the second time, and embark on the 
perilous sea of civil life. 
' Where shall we find words sufficient 
to do justice to his self-denying accept- 
ance of his appointment to the supreme 
command of the army raised in the year 
1798 ! — View him in the possession of 
all that his heart could wish — in the 
87th year of his age, when repose and 
retirement must have been not only de- 
sirable, but even necessary : View him, 
under all those circumstances, pledging 
himself to take the field, whenever the 
situation of his country required it. — 
How ardent must have been his patriot- 



ism! 



In losing him, the people lost their 
guide — the country lost its father — its 
sword — its shield — its greatest benefac- 
tor and ornament. Rome, with all her 
heroes — Greece, with all her patriots, 
eould not produce his equal: not one, 



24! Character of Washington. 

who trod the stage of life with equal 
dignity, and who departed from it in old 
age with a reputation so brilliant, and 
so spotless. 

His virtues and example are an inval- 
uable legacy to his country — to Europe 
—.to the world. His counsels are en- 
graven on the table of our hearts — His 
deeds are written with a pen of iron, 
and with the point of a diamond — His 
fame is a sea without a shore — His 
counsels, his deeds, and his fame, will 
live forever. 



WASHINGTON'S 
FAREWELL ADDRESS, 



TO THR 



PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES- 



Friends and Fellow Citizens^ 

The period for a new Election of a citi- 
zen to administer the Executive Govern- 
ment of the United States being not far 
distant, and the time actually arrived 
when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person who is to be cloth- 
ed with that important trust, it appears 
to me proper, especially as it may con- 
duce to a more distinct expression of the 



26 Washington^ Farewell Mdress. 

public voice, that I should now apprize 
you of the resolution I have formed, to 
decline being considered among the num- 
ber of those, out of whom a choice is to 
be made. 

I begyou, at the sam*e time, to do me 
the justice to be assured, that this resolu- 
tion has not been taken, w ithout a strict 
regard to all the considerations apper- 
taining to the relation which binds a du- 
tiful citizen to his country ; and that, in 
withdrawing the tender of service which 
silence in my situation might imply, I am 
influenced by no diminution of zeal for 
your future interest, no deficiency of 
grateful respect for your past kindness : 
but am supported by a full conviction 
that the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance 
hitherto in, the ofl&ce to which your suf- 
frages have twice called me, have been 
a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the 
opinion of duty, and to a deference for 
what appeared to be your desire. — I con- 
stantly hoped, that it would ^ave been 



Washington's Farewell Address, ^ 

•much earlier in my power, consistently 
with motives which I was not at liberty 
to disregard, to return to that retirement, 
from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
TJie strength of my inclination to do this, 
previous tt) the last election, had even 
led to the preparation of an address to de- 
clare it to you : bat mature reflection 
on the then perplexed and critical pos- 
ture of our aiFairs with foreign nations, 
and the unanimous advice of persons 
. entitled to my confidence, impelled me to 

abandon the idea. 
* I rejoice that the state of your con- 
cerns, external as well as internal, no 
longer renders the pursuit of inclination 
incompatible with the sentiment of duty 
or propriety; and am persuaded, what- 
ever partiality may be retained for my 
services, that, in the present eircumstan- 
ees of our country, you will not disap- 
prove my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first 
undertook the arduous trust, were ex- 
plained on the proper occasion. In the 



28 Washington's Farewell Mdress. 

discharge of this trust, I will only say^ 
that I have with good intentions contrib- 
uted, towards the organization and ad- 
ministration of the government, the best 
exertions of which a very fallible judg* 
ment was capable. Not unconscious, in 
the outset, of the inferiority of my quali- 
fications, experience in my own eyes, 
perhaps still more in the eyes of others, 
has strengthened the motives to diffi- 
dence of myself : and every day the in- 
creasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more, that the shade of retire- 
ment is as necessary to me as it will be 
welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
stances have given peculiar value to my 
services, they were temporary, I have 
the consolation to believe, that while 
choice and prudence invite me to quit the 
political scene, patriotism does not for- 
bid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, 
which is intended to terminate the career 
of my public life, my feelings do not per- 
mit me to suspend the deep acknowledg- 



Washington's Farewell Mdr ess, 29 

ment of tliat debt of gratitude which I 
^owe to my beloved country, for the many 
honours it has conferred upon me ; still 
more for the steadfast confidence with 
which it has supported me; and for the op- 
portunities I have thence enjoyed of man- 
ifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser- 
vices faithful and perserving, though in 
usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits 
have resulted to our country from these 
services, let it always be remembered to 
your praise, and as an instructive example 
in our annals, that under circumstances in 
which the passions, agitated in every di- 
rection, were liable to mislead — amidst 
appearances, sometimes dubious — vicissi- 
tudes of fortune often discouraging— in sit- 
uations, in which, not unfrequently, want 
of success has countenanced the spirit of 
criticism — the constancy of your support 
was the essential prop of the efforts, and 
a guarantee of the plans, by which they 
were effected. Profoundly penetrated with 
this idea, I shall carry it with me to my 
gi-avcj as a strong incitement to nuchas* 



30 Washington's Farewell Address. 

ing vows, that heaven may continue to 
yon tlie choicest tokens of its benefi- 
cence — tliat yt)ur union and brotherly 
affection may be perpetual — that the free 
constitution, which is the work of your 
hands, may be sacredly maintained— 
that its administration, in every depart- 
ment may be stamped with wisdom and 
virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of 
the people of these States, under the au- 
spices of liberty, may be made complete, 
by so careful a preservation, and so pru- 
dent a 'use, of this blessing, as will ac- 
quire to them the glory of recommend - 
ing it to the applause, the affection, and 
the adoption, of every nation which is 
yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But 
a solicitude for your welfare, which 
cannot end but with my life, and the ap- 
prehension of danger natural to that so- 
licitude, urge me, on an occasion like the 
present, to offer to your solemn contem- 
plation, and to recommend to your fre- 
quent review, some sentiments which are 



Washington/s Farewell Address. 31 

the result of much reflection, of no in- 
considerable observation, and which ap- 
pear to me all-important to the perma- 
nency of jour felicity as a people. These 
M ill be offered to you with the more free 
dom, as you can only see in them the dis- 
interested warnings of a parting friend^ 
who can possibly have no persona] mo- 
tive to bias his counsel. Nor can I for- 
get, as an encouragement to it, your in- 
dulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
former and not dissimular occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty 
W;ith every ligament of your hearts, no 
recommendation of mine is necesssry to 
fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government, wliich con- 
stitutes you one people, is also now^ dear 

to you It is justly so ; for it is a main 

pillar in the edifice of your real inde- 
pendence — the support of your tranquili- 
ty at home, your peace abroad ; of your 
safety, of your prosperity, of that very 
liberty which you so highly prize. But^ 
as it is easv to foresee, that from differ- 



S2 Washington's Farewell Mdres^; 

ent causes, and from different quarters, 
much pains will be taken, many artifices 
employed, to weaken in your minds the 
conviction of this truth ; as this is tli8 
point in your political fortress, against 
which the batteries of internal and ex- 
ternal enemies will be most constantly 
and actively (though 8ften covertly and 
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite mo- 
ment that you should properly estimate 
(he immense value of your national un- 
ion, to your collective and individual 
happiness; that you should cherish a 
cordial, habitual, ant! immoveable attach- 
ment to it ; accustoming yourselves to 
think and speak of it, as of the palladi- 
um of your political safety and prosperi- 
ty ; watching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what- 
ever may suggest even a suspicion that 
it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and 
indignantly fro\mng upon the first dawn- 
ing of every attempt to alienate any por- 
tion of our country from the rest, or to 
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
together the various part?. 



* Washington's Farewell Mdress, 33 

For this yoii have every inducement 
of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by 
birth or choice, of a common country, that 
country has a right to concentrate your af- 
fections. The name of American, which 
belongs to you, in your national capacity, 
must always exalt the just pride of patrio- 
tism, njore than any appellation derived 
from local discriminations. With slight 
shades of difference, you have the same re- 
ligion, manners, habits, and political prin- 
ciples. You have, in a common cause, 
fought and triumphed together 5 the in- 
dependence and liberty you possess are 
the work of joint councils, and joint ef- 
forts, of common dangers, suflferings, and 
successes. 

But these considerations, however 
powerfully they address themselves to 
your sensibility, are greatly outweighed 
by those which apply more immediately 
to your interest. Here every portion of 
our eountry finds the mest commanding 
motives for carefully guarding and pre- 
serving the union of the whole. 
Bi3 



3dt JVashingtorvs Farewell Mdres^. 

The JVorth^ in an unrestrained inter- 
course with the Souths protected by the 
equal laws of p, common government, 
finds in the prod'ictions of the latter, 
great additional resources of maritime 
and commercial enterprize, and precious 
materials of manufacturing industry. 
The Souths in the same intercourse, bene- 
fitting by the agency of the J^orth^ sees 
its agriculture grow, and its commerce 
expand. Turning partly into its own 
channels the seamen of the JVbrfft, it 
finds its particular navigation invigorated 
— and while it contributes in different 
ways, to nourish and increase the gener- 
al mass of the national navigation, it 
looks forward to the protection of a mar- 
itime strength, to which itself is unequal- 
ly adapted.4. 

The Ectst^ in like intercourse with 
the West^ already finds, and in the pro- 
gressive improvement of interior commu- 
nication, by land and water, will more 
and more find a valuable vent for the 
commodities which it brings from abroad. 



Washington's Farewell Mdress. 35 

or manufactures at home. The West 
derives from the East^ supplies requisite 
to its growth and comfort ; and what is, 
perhaps, of still greater consequence, it 
must of nesessity owe the secure enjoy- 
ment of indispensable outlets^ for its own 
productions, to the weight, influence, and 
the future maritime strength, of the At- 
lantic side of the union, directed by an 
indissoluble community of interest as one 
nation. Any other tenure by which the 
West can hold this essential advantage, 
whether derived from its own separate 
strength, or from an apostate and unnat- 
ural connexion with any foreign power, 
must be intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our eouii* 
try thus feels an immediate and particu- 
lar interest in union, all the parts com- 
bined cannot fail to find, in the unitefd 
mass of means and eflforts, greater 
strength, greater resource, proportiona- 
bly greater security, from external dan- 
ger....aless frequent interruption of their 
peaee by foreign nations... ...iHd, what is 



36 Washington'^ s Farewell Address. 

of inestimable value ! they must derive, 
from union, an exemption from those broils 
and wars between themselves, which so 
frequently afflict neighbouring countries 
not tied together by i\\^ same government ; 
which their own rivalships alone would 
be sufficient to produce, but which oppo- 
site foreign alliances, attachments, and 
intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. 
Hence, likewise, they will avoid the ne- 
cessity of those overgrown military estab- 
lishments, which, under any form of gov- 
ernient, are inauspicious to liberty, and 
which are to be regarded as particularly 
hostile to republican liberty : In this 
sense it is, that your union ought to be 
considered as a main prop of your liber- 
ty, and that the love of tlie one ought to 
endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

These considerations speak a persua- 
sive language to every reflecting and vir- 
tuous mind, and exhibit the continuance 
of the union as a primary object of patri- 
otic desire# Is there a doubt whether a 



Washington's Farewell Mdress. 37 

common government can embrace so large 
a sphere ? — Let experience solve it. To 
listen to mere speculation in such a case, 
were criminal. We are authorized to 
hope, that a proper organization of the 
whole, with the auxiliary agency of gov- 
ernments for the respective sub-divisions, 
will afford a happy issue to the experi- 
ment. It is well worth a fair and full 
experiment. With such powerful and 
obvious motives to union, affecting all 
parts of our country, while experience 
shall not have demonstrated its imprac- 
ticability, there will always be reason to 
distrust the patriotism of those, who, in 
any quarter, may endeavour to weaken 
its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which 
may disturb our union, it occurs, as a 
matter of serious concern, that any ground 
should have been furnished for charac- 
terizing parties, h-^ geographical Ahmim- 
nation s,tA'brf/ierw5 and Southern^ Atlantic^ 
and TVederii — ■ — whence designing men 
may endeavour to excite a belief^ that 



38 Washington/ s Farewell Address, 

there is a real difference of loeal interests 
and views. One of the expedients of 
party, to acquire influence, within par- 
ticular districts, is to misrepresent the 
opinions and aims of other districts. You 
cannot shield yourselves too much against 
the jealousies and heart-burnings which 
spiing from these misrepresentations ; 
they tend to render alien to each other 
those who ought to be bound together by 
fraternal affection. The inhabitants of 
our western country have lately had a 
useful lesson on this head :— .They have 
iieen, in the negotiation by the Executive, 
and in the unanimous ratification by the 
Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in 
the universal satisfaction at that event 
throughout the United States, a decisive 
proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
propagated among them, of a policy in the 
General Government and in the Atlantic 
States unfriendly to tlieir interests in re- 
gard to the Mississippi : they have been 
witnesses to the formation of two trea- 
ties, that with Great Britian, and that 



TFashingfon'^s Farewell Mdress, 39 

\vith Spaiiij which secure to them every 
thing they could desire, in respect to our 
foreign relations, towards confirming 
their prosperity. Will it not be their 
wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
these advantages on the union, by which 
they w ere procured ? Will they not 
henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 
Such there are, who would sever them 
from their brethren, and connect them 
with aliens ? 

To the efficacy and permanency of 
your union, a government for the whole is 
indispensable.— No alliances, however 
strict, between the parts, can be an ade- 
quate substitute; they must inevitably 
experience the infractions and interrup- 
tions which all alliances, in all times, 
have experienced. Sensible of this mo- 
mentous truth, you have improved up- 
on your first essay, by the adoption of a 
constitution of government, better calcu- 
lated than your former, for an intimate 
union, and for the efficacious manage- 
ment of your common concerns. This 



40 Washington's Farewell Mdress. 

government, the offspring of our own 
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopt- 
ed upon full im estigation and mature de- 
liberation, completely free in its princi- 
ples, in the distributions of its powers, 
uniting security with energy, and con- 
taining within itself a provision for its 
own amendment, has a just claim to you? 
confidence and your support. Respect 
for its authority, compliance with 
its laws, acquiescence in its measures^ 
are duties enjoined by the fundamental 
maxims of true liberty. The basis of 
our political systems, is the right of the 
people to make and to alter their consti- 
tutions of government. — But the consti- 
tution which at any time exists, until 
changed by an explicit and authentic act 
of the whole people, is sacredly obliga- 
tory upon all. The very idea of the pow- 
er and the right of the people to estab- 
lish government, pre»supposes the duty 
of every individual to obey the establish- 
ed government. 

All obstruetions to the execution of 



JVashington^s Farewell Address. 41 

the laws, all combinations and associa- 
tions, under whatever plausible charac- 
ter, with the real design to direct, con- 
trol, counteract, or awe, the regular de- 
liberation and action of the constituted 
authorities, are destructive of this fun- 
damental principle, and of fatal tenden- 
cy. They serve to organize faction, to 
give it an artificial and extraordinary 
force — to put in the place of the deligat- 
ed will of the nation, the will of a party, 
often a smalt but artful and enterprizing 
minority of the community ; and accord- 
ing to the alternate triumphs of different 
parties, to make the public administra- 
tion the miiTor of the ill concerted and 
incongruous projects of faction, rather 
than the organ of consistent and whole- 
some plans, digested by common councils 
and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations 
of the above description may irow and 
then answer popular ends, they arc like- 
ly, in the course of time and things, to 
become potent engines, by which cunning. 



42 Washington's Farewell Addre^^, 

ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be 
enabled to subvert the power of the peo- 
ple, and to usurp for themselves the reins 
of government — destroying, afterwards, 
the very engines which had lifted them 
to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your 
government, and the permanency of your 
present happy state, it is requisite, not 
only that you steadily discountenance ir-^>~ 
regular oppositions to its acknowledged 
authority, but also that you resist, with 
eare, the spirit of innovation upon its 
principles, however specious the pretexts. 

One method of assault may be, to ef- 
fect, in the forms of the constitution, al- 
terations which will impair the energy 
of the system, and thus undermine what 
cannot be directly overthrown. In all 
the changes to which you maiy be invit- 
ed, remember, that time and habit are at 
least as necessary to fix the true charac- 
ter of governments, as of other human in- 
stitutions ; that experience is the surest 
standard, by >vhich to test the real tend- 



Washington's Farewell Address, 43 

enej of the existing constitution of a 
country ; that facility in changes, on the 
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, 
exposes to perpetual change, from the 
endless variety of hypothesis and opin- 
ion ; and remember especially, that for 
the efficient management of your com- 
mon interests, in a country so extensive 
as ours, a government of as much vigor 
as is consistent with the perfect security 
of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty it- 
self will find, in such a government, with 
powers properly distributed and adjust- 
ed, its surest guardian. — -It is, indeed, lit- 
tle else than the name, where the govern- 
ment is too feeble to withstand the enter- 
prizes of faction, to confine each menir 
ber of the society within the liaiits pre- 
scribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of 
the rights^ of person and propeHy. 

I have already intimated to you the 
danger of parties in the state, with par- 
ticular referaace to the founding of them 
on geographical discriminations. Let me 



44 Washingfoivs Farewell Address. 

now take a more comprehensive vieW; 
and warn you in the most solemn manner 
against the baneful effects of a spirit of 
party generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is insep- 
arable from our nature, having its root 
in the strongest passions of the human 
mind. It exists under different shapes, 
in all governments — more or less stilled, 
controlled, or oppressed ; but in those of 
the popular form, it is seen in its great- 
est rankness, and is truly their worst en- 
emy. 

The alternate domination of one fac 
lion over another, sharpened by the spirit 
of revenge natural to party dissension, 
which in different ages and countries has 
perpetrated the most horrid enormities, 
is itself a frightful despotism — But this 
leads at length to ii more formal and per- 
manent despotism. The disorders and 
miseries which result, gradually incline 
the minds of men to seek security and re- 
pose in the absolute power cf an individu- 
al^ and sooner or later, the chief of 



Washins:ton'^s Farewell Address. 40 

some prevailing faction, more able or 
more fortunate than his competitors, 
turns this disposition to the purposes of 
his own elevation, on the ruins of public 
liberty. 

Without looking forward to an ex- 
tremity of this kind, (which nevertheless 
ought not to be entirely out of sight) the 
common and continual mischiefs of the 
spirit of party are sufficient to make it 
the interest and duty of a wise people to 
discourage and restrain it. It serves al- 
ways to distract the public councils and 
enfeeble the public^ administration. It 
agitates the community with ill founded 
jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the 
animosity of one part against another ; 
foments, occasionally, riot and insurrec- 
tion. It opens the door to foreign influ- 
ence and corruption, which find a facili- 
tated access to the government itself 
through the channels of party passions. 
Thus the policy and the will of one 
country are subjected to the policy and 
will of another. 



4^ Washino:tonh Farewell Address. 



^o 



There is an opinion, that parties in 
free countries are useful checks upon tlie 
administration of the government* and 
serve to keep alive the spirit of liber- 
ty. This, within certain limits, is pro- 
bably true, and in governments of a mon- 
archical cast, patriotism^may look with 
indulgence, if not with favour, upon the 
spirit of part}% But in those of the popu- 
lar character, in governments purely 
elective, it is a spirit not to be enconraged 
From their liatural tendency, it is certain 
there will always be enough of that spirit 
for every salutary purpose ; and there 
being constant danger of excess, the ef- 
fort ought to be, by force of public opin- 
ion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire 
not to be quenched, it demands a uniform 
vigilance to prevent its bursting into a 
flamcj lest instead of warming, it should 
cansume. 

It is important likewise, that the hab- 
its *of thinking, in a free country,, should 
inspire caution in those intrusted with its 
administration, to confine themselves 



JFashington/s Farewell Address. 47 

within their respective constitutional 
spheres ; avoiding in the exercise of the 
powers of one department, to encroach 
upon another. The spirit of encroach- 
ment tends to consolidate the powers 
of all the departments in one, and 
thus to create, whatever the form of 
government, a real despotism. A just 
estimate of that love of power, and prone- 
ness to abuse it, which predominate in 
the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of this position. The ne- 
cessity of reciprocal checks in the exer- 
cise of political power, by dividing and 
distributing it into different depositories, 
and constituting each the guardian of the 
public weal against invasions by the oth- 
ers, has been evinced by experiments an- 
cient and modern ; some of them in our 
country, and under our own eyes. To 
preserve them must be as necessary as to 
institute them. If, in the opinion of the 
people, the distribution or modification of 
fhe constitutional powers be in any parti- 
cular wrong, let it be corrected by an a- 



48 Washington's Farewell Address. 

mend men t, in the way which the eonsti* 
tution designates — But let there be no 
change by usurpation ; for though this, in 
one instance, may be the instrument of 
good, it is the customary weapon by 
which free governments are destroyed. 
The precedent must always greatly 
overbalance in permanent evil any par- 
tial or transient benefit which the use can 
at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits 
which lead to political prosperity, reli-^ 
gion and morality are indispensable sup- 
ports. In vain would that man claim 
the tribute of patriotism, who should la- 
bour to subvert these great pillars of hu- 
man happiness, these firmest props of the 
duties of men and citizens. The mere 
politician, equally with the pious man, 
ought to respect and to cherish them. A 
volume could not trace all their connex- 
ions with private and public felicity. Let 
it simply be asked, where is the security 
for property, for reputation, for life, if 
the sense of religious obligation desert 



Washington's Farewell Mdress. 49 

the oaths which are the instruments of 
investigation in courts of justice ? — And 
let us with caution indulge the supposi- 
tion, that morality can ' he . maintained 
without religion. Whatever may be con- 
ceded to the influence of refined educa- 
tion on minds of peculiar structure, rea- 
son and experience both forbid us to ex- 
pect that national morality can prevail 
in exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true, that virtue 
and morality are necessary springs of 
popular government. The rule indeed 
extends, with more or less force, to every 
species of free government. Who, that 
is a sincere friend to it, can look with 
indifference upon attempts to shake the 
foundation of the fabric ! 

Promote, then, as an object of prima- 
ry importance, institutions for the general 
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as 
the structure of a government gives force 
to public opinion, it is essential that pub- 
lic opinion should be enlightened. 
As a very important source of strength 



50 Washington's Farewell dddress* 

and security, cherish public credit. One 
method of preserving it, is, to use it a& 
sparingly as possible;- avoiding occa- 
sions of expense, by cultivating peace: 
but remembering also, that timely dis- 
bursements to prepare for danger, fre- 
quently prevent much greater disburse- 
3«ents to repel it : avoiding likewise the 
accumulation of debt, not only by shun- 
ning occasions of expense, but, by vigor- 
ous exertions in time of peace, to dis^ 
charge the debts which unavoidable w ars 
may have occasioned, not ungenerously 
throwing upon posterity the burden 
which we ourselves ought to bear. The 
execution of these maxims belongs to your 
representatives; but it is necessary that 
public opinion should co-operate. To 
facilitate to them the performance of 
their duty, it is essential that you should 
practically bear in mind, that towards 
the payment of debts there must be reve- 
nue — that to have revenue there must be 
taxes — thatno taxes can be devised which 
4re not more or less inconvenient and un- 
pleasant—that the intrinsic embarrass- 



Washingforrs Farewell Jldiress. ai 

meni inseparable from the selection of 
the proper objects, (which is always & 
choice of diiliculties) ought to be a deci- 
eive motive for a candid construction of 
the conduct of the government in making 
it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the 
measures for obtaining revenue which the 
public exigencies may at any time dictate. 
Observe good faith and justice towards 
all nations — cultivate peace and harmo- 
ny w ith all — Religion and morality en- 
join this conduct; and can it be, that good 
policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will 
be worthy of a free, enlightened, and (at 
no distant period) a great nation, to give 
to mankind the magnanimous and too 
novel example of a people always guided 
by an exalted justice and benevolence. — 
Who can doubt, that in ilie course of 
time and things, the fruits of such a plan 
would richly repay any temporary ad- 
vantages which might be lost by a steady 
adherence to it ? Can it be, tliat Provi- 
dence has not connected the permanent 
felicity of a nation with its virtues ? The 



b2 WasJiington^s Farewell Mdress. 

experiment, at least, is recommended by 
every sentiment which ennobles human 
nature. Alas, is it rendered impossible 
ty its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing 
is more essential, than that permanent, 
inveterate antipathies against particular 
nations, and passionate attachments for 
others, should be excluded ; and that in 
place of them, just and amicable feelings 
towards all should be cultivated. — The 
nation wliich indulges towards another 
an habitual hatred, or an habitual fond- 
iQess, is in sonie degree a slave. It is a 
slave to its animosity, or to its affection, 
either of which is sufficient to lead it 
astray from its duty or its interest. x\n- 
tipathy in one nation, against another, 
disposes each more readily to offer insult 
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of 
umbrage, and to be haughty and intracta- 
ble, when accidental or trifling occasions 
of dispute occur. 

Hence frequent collisions — obstinate, 
envenomed, and bloody contests. The 



Washin2:ton^s Farewell Address. 53 

nation, prompted by ill-will and resent- 
ment, sometimes impels to war the goy- 
erriment, contrary to the best calculations 
of pplicy. The government sometimes 
participates in the national propensity, 
and adopts, through passion, what rea- 
son would reject : at other times, it makes 
the animosity of the nation subservient 
to projects of hostility, . instigated by 
pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
pernicious motives. The peace often, 
sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, 
has been the victim. 

So likewise, a passionate attachment 
of one nation for another produces a va- 
riety of evils. Sympathy for the fava- 
rite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest,in cases wliere 
no real common interest exists, and in- 
fusing into one the enmities of the other, 
betrays the former into a participation 
in the quarrels of the latter, without ad- 
equate inducement or justification. It 
leads also to concessions to the favorite 
natiooj of privileges denied to otherSf 



Mf Washingtori^s Farewell Mdress. 

which is apt doubly to injure the nation 
making the concession ; by unnecessari- 
ly parting with what ought to have been 
retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill 
will, and a disposition to retaliate, in 
the parties from whom equal privileges 
are withheld : and it gives to ambitious, 
corrupted or deluded citizens, (who de- 
vote themselves to the favorite nation,) 
facility to betray or sacrifice the interests 
of their country, without odium, some- 
times even with popularity; gilding, 
with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference 
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for 
public good, the base or foolish compli- 
ances of ambition, corruption, or infatua- 
tion. 

As avenues to foreign influence in in- 
numerable ways, such attachments are 
particularly alarming to the truly en- 
lightened and independent patriot.— How 
many opportunities do they afford to tam- 
per with domestic factions, to practise 
the arts of seduction, to mislead public 



WashingtQU^s Farewell Mdress. 00 

opinion, to influence or awe the public 
councils ! Such an attachment of a small 
or weak, towards a great and powerful 
nation, dooms the former to be the satel- 
lite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
influence, (I conjure you to believe me, 
fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free 
people ought to be constantly awake; 
since history and experience prove, that 
foreign influence is one of the most bane- 
ful foes of Republican Government. But 
that jealousy, to be useful, must be im- 
partial ; else it becomes the instrument 
of the very influence to be Avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it. Excessive 
partiality for one foreign nation, and ex- 
cessive dislike of another, cause those 
whom they actuate to see danger only on 
one side, and serve to veil and even se« 
cond the arts of influence on the other,-— 
Real patriots, who may resist the in- 
trigues of the favorite, are liable to be- 
come suspected and odious ; while its 
tools and dupes usurp the applause and 



56 Washington's Farewell Jlddrei»s. 

confidence of the people, to surrender 
their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in 
regard to foreign nations, is, in extending 
our commercial relations, to have with 
them as little political connexion as pos- 
sible. So far as we have already formed 
engagements, let them be fulfilled with 
perfect good faith. — Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, 
which to us have none, or a very remote 
relation. Hence she must be engaged in 
frequent controversies, the causes of 
which are essentially foreign to our con- 
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be un- 
wise in us to implicate ourselves by artifi- 
cial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her 
politics, or the ordinary combinations and 
collisions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant sityation in- 
vites and enables us to pursue a different 
course. If we remain one people, under 
an eilicieiut government, the period is not 
Par off when we may defy material injury 
from e:!iternal annoyance ; when we may 



Washington's Farewell Mdress. 5^ 

take such an attitude, as will cause the 
neutrality we may at any time resolve 
upon, to be scrupulously respected; 
when belligerent nations, under the im- 
possibility of making acquisitions upon 
us, will not lightly hazard the giving us 
provocation; when we may choose peace 
or war, as our interest, guided by justice^ 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so pe= 
culiar a situation ? Why quit our own,, 
to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by 
interweaving our destiny with that of any 
part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of European ambi- 
tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or ca= 
price ? 

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of 
permanent alliances, with any portion of 
the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we 
are now at liberty to do it ; for let me 
not be understood as capable of patroniz- 
ing infidelity to existing engagements. I 
hold the maxim no less applicable to pub-. 

Me than to private affairs, that honesty is 

e3 



08 Washington's Farewell Address. 

the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, 
let those engagements be observed in their 
genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is 
unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex- 
tend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, 
by suitable establishments, on a respect- 
able defensive posture, we may safely 
trust to temporary alliances for extraor* 
dinary emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all 
nations^ are recommended by policy, hu- 
manity, and interest. But even our com- 
mercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand ; neither seeking nor grant- 
ing exclusive favors or preferences ; con- 
sulting the natural course of things; diffus- 
ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the 
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing 5 
establishing, with powers so disposed, in 
order to give trade a stable course, to de- 
fine the rights of our merchants, and to 
enable the government to support them; 
conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and mutual 



Washingtori^s Farewell Address. 39 

opinion will permit; but temporary, and li- 
able to be from time to time abandoned or 
varied, as experience and circumstances 
shall dictate ; constantly keeping in 
view, tliat 'tis folly in one nation to look 
for disinterested favors from aaother; 
that it must pay with a portion of its in- 
dependence for whatever it may accept 
under that character ; that by such ac- 
ceptance, it may place itself in the con- 
dition of having given equivalents for 
nominal favors, and yet of being re- 
proached with ingratitude for not giving 
more. There can be no greater error, 
than to expect or calculate upon real fa- 
vors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illu- 
sion which experience must cure, which 
a just pride ought to discard. 

In oflFering to you, my countrymen, 
these counsels of an old and affectionate 
friend, 1 dare not hope they will make 
the strong and lasting impression I could 
wish I that they will control the usual 
Qurrent of the passions, or prevent our 
nation from rumiing the course which has 



60 Washimion^s Farewell Mdress. 



'^o 



hitherto marked the destiny of nations : 
But if I may even flatter myself, that 
they may be productive of some partial 
benefit, some occasional good ; that they 
may now and then recur to moderate the 
fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard 
against the impostures of pretended pa- 
triotism ; this hope will be a full recom- 
pense for the solicitude for your welfare, 
by which they have been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my offi- 
cial duties, I have been guided by the 
principles which have been delineated, 
the public records and other evidences of 
my conduct must witness to you and to 
the w orld. To myself, the assurance of 
my conscience is, that I have at least be- 
lieved myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war 
in Europe, my proclamation of tiie 22d 
of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and 
by that of your Representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the s^iiit of tliat 



Washmgtoii^s Farewell Mdress. 6i 

^measure has continually governed me; 
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or 
divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with 
the aid of the best lights I could obtain, 
I was well satisfied that our country, un- 
der all the circumstances of the case, had 
a right to take, and was bound in duty and 
interest to take, a neutral position. Hav- 
ing taken it, I determined, as far as should 
depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- 
eration, perseverance, and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the 
right to hold this conduct, it is not neces* 
sary on this occasion to detail, I will only 
observe, that according to my understand- 
ing of the matter, that right, so far from be- 
ing denied by any of the belligerent pow- 
ers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral con- 
duct may be inferred, without any thing 
more, from the obligation which justice 
and humaiilly.impose on every nation, in 
eases in which it is free to act, to main- 
tain inviolate the relations of peace and 
,amity towards other nations. 



62 TFashington^s Farewell Address. 

The inducements of interest for ob- 
serring that eoiiduet will be best referred 
to your own reflections and experience. 
With me, a predominant motive has been^ 
to endeavour to gain time to our country 
to settle and mature its yet recent insti- 
tutions, and to progress without interrup- 
tion to that degree of strength and con- 
sistency, which is necessary to give ity 
humanly speaking;, the command of its 
own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of 
my administration, I am unconscious of 
intentional error, I am nevertheless too 
sensible of my defects not to think it pro- 
bable that I may have committed many 
errors. Whatever they may be, I fer- 
vently beseech the Almighty to avert or 
mitigate the evils to which they may tend. 
I shall also carry with me the hope, that 
my country will never cease to view them 
with indulgence; and that, after forty- 
five years of my life dedicated to its ser- 
vice, with an upright ze^l, the faults of 
incompetent abilities will be consigned 



Washington's Farewell Mdress. 63 

to oblivion^ as myself must soon be to the 
mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in 
other things, and actuated by that fervent 
love towards it, which is so natural to a 
man who views in it the native soil of 
himself and his progenitors for several 
generations, I anticipate, with pleasing 
expectation, that retreat, in. which I 
promise myself to realize, without alloy, 
the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the 
midst of my fellow citizens, the benign 
influence of good laws under a free gov- 
ernment the ever favorite object of my 

heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, 
of our mutual cares, labors, and dan- 
gers. G. WASHINGTON. 

United States^ ±7th September ^ ±7 ^Q. 



*^* It is worthy of remark^ that just 
nine years previous to this Farewell Ad- 
dress^ General Washington signed the 
Federal Constitution^ as President of the 
Convention which framed it^ at Fhiladeh- 
iphia. September 17, 1787. 



CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF 
AMERICA. 



We, the People of the United St 
in order to form a more perfect in 
establish justice, ensure domestic * 
quillity, provide for the common defj 
promote the general welfare, an 1 sf 
the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
our posterity, do ordain and esta 
tiliis Constitution for the United Sta^ 
America. 

ARTICLE lo 

Sect. 1. All Legislative Po 
herein granted, shall be vested in a 
gress of the United States, which 
consist of a Senate and House of E - 
sentativeg. 



Constitution of the United States. 65 

Sect. 2 The House of Representa- 
tives shall be composed of members cho- 
fe I every second year by the people of 
V several States, and the electors in 
^ h State shall have the qualifications 
r lisite for electors of the most numer- 
branch of the State Legislature. 
No person shall be a Represeiitative 
\ shall not have attained to the age of 
ity-five years, and been seven years a 
c. :en of the United States, and >vho 
sh 1 not, when elected, be an inhabitant 
G lat State in which he shall be chosen, 
lepresentatives and Direct Taxes 
SI I be apportioned among the several 
S es which may be included within this 
n, according to their respective num- 
; which shall be determined by ad- 
to the whole number of free persons, 
iding those bound to service for a 
of years, and excluding Indians not 
d, three fifths of all other persons, 
actual enumeration shall be made 
in three years after the first meeting 
of xAie Congress of the United States^ and 



66 Constitution of the United States, 

within every subsequent term of ten years, 
in such manner as they shall by law di- 
rects The number of Representatives i 
sliall not exceed one for every thirty thou- 
sand ; but each State shall have at least 
one Representative ; and until such enu- 
meration shall be made, the State of New* 
Hampihire shall be entitled to choose j 
three ; Massachusetts, eight ; Rhode- 
Island and Providence-Plantations, one ; 
Connecticut, five ; New- York, six ; New- 
Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Del- 
aware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, 
ten ; North-Carolina, five ; South-Caro- 
lina, five ; and Georgia, three. 

When vacancies happen in the rep- 
resentation from any State, the Execu- 
tive authority thereof shall issue writs of , 
election to fill such vacancies. 

The House of Representatives shall 
choose their Speaker and other officers ; 
and shall have the sole power of im- 
peachment. 

Sect. 3. The Senate of the United 
States shall be composed of two Senators 



Constitution of the United States, 67 

rom each State eliosen. by the Legisla- 
;ure thereof for six years ; and each Sen- 
iter shall have one vote. 
j Immediately after they shall be assem- 
Jed in consequence of the first election, 
hey shall be divided as equally as may 
56 into three classes. The seats of the 
Senators of the first class shall be vacat- 
,?d at the expiration of the second year; 
!:he second class, at the expiration of the 
tburth year ; the third class, at the expi- 
ration of the sixth year ."so that one 
bird may be chosen every second year: 
md if vacancies happen, by i^signation, 
l$r otherwise, during the recess of the 
jLegislature of any State, the Executive 
thereof may make temporary appoint- 
nents until the next meeting of the Le- 
gislature, which shall then fill such va- 
sancies. 

No person shall be a Senator who shall 
not have attained to the age of thirty 
fears, and been nine years a citizen of 
he United States, and who shall not«> 



68 Cojiditution of the United States. 

when elected, be an inhabitant of thai 
state for which he shall be chosen. 
'The Vice-President of the United}^ 
States shall be President of the Senate; 
but shall have no vote, unless they be j 
equally divided. 

The Senate shall choose their other 
officers, and also a President pro tempore 
in the absence of the Vice-President, o 
when he shall exercise the office of Pres 
ident of (he United States. 

The Senate shall have the sole power 
to try all impeachments. When silting 
for that purpose, they shall be on oath or 
affirmation. When the President of tlie 
United States is tried, the Chief Justice j 
shall preside ; and no person shall be j 
convicted without the concurrence of tw0y 
thirds of the members present. — Judg- 
ment in cases of impeachment shall not 
extend further than to removal from of- 
fice, and disqualificatien to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trust, or profit, under 
the Cnited States ; but the party con- 
victed shall nevertheless be liable and. 



Constitution of the United States. 69 

j ubject to indietoient, trial, judgment and 
mnishment, according to law. 

Sect. 4. The times, places, and man- 
ijier, of holding elections for Senators and 
iepresentatives, shall he prescribed in 
jach State by the Legislature thereof; 
mi the Congress may, 'at any time, by 
aw make or alter such regulations, ex- 
jept as to the places of choosing Sena- 
^ <)rs. — The Congress shall assemble at 
[east once in every year, and such meet- 
ing shall be on the first Monday in De- 
cember, unless they shall by law appoint 
a different day. 

i Sect. 5. Each House shall be the 

judge of the elections, returns and quali- 

ificalions of its own members, and a ma- 

ijority of each shall Constitute a quorum 

jto do business; but a smaller number 

I Jiay adjourn from day to day, and may 

I he authorized to compel the attendance 

( of absent members, in such manner, and 

under such penalties, as each House may 

provide. 

Each House may determine the rules 



70 Constitution of the United States. 

of its proceedings^ punish its members fo i 
disorderly behavior, and, with the eon 
jiurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 

Each House shall Jkeep a journal o 
its proceedings, and from time to tim< 
piiblisJi the same, excepting such parti 
as may in their judgment require secrecy 
and the yeas and nays of the members o 
eitlicr House, on any question, shaM, al 
the desire of one fifth of those present, bi 
entered on the journal. 

Neither House, during the session o 
Congress, shall, without the consent o 
the other, adjourn for more than ihrei 
days, nor to any other place than that ii 
which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Sect. 6. The Senators and Represen 
tatives shall receive a compensation fo 
their services, to be ascertained by lawj 
and paid out of the treasury of the Unite( 
States. They shall, in all cases, excep 
treason, felony, and breach of the peace 
be privileged from arrest during their at 
tendance at the session of their respectiv(i 
Houses, and in going to or returning frosj 



Constitution of the United States. 7± 

F the same 5 and for any speech or debate 
J in either House, they shall not be ques- 
tioned in any other place. 
^ No Senatoi* or Representative shall^ 
Muring the time for which he was electedj 
be api^ointcd to any civil office under the 
authority of the United States, which 
shall have been created, or the emolu- 
ments whereof shall have been increased^ 
during such time ; and no person holding 
any office under the United States shall 
be a member of either House during his 
continuance in office. 

Sect. 7. AH bills for raising^ revenue 
shall originate in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; but the Senate may propose 
or concur with amendments, as on other 
bills. 

Every bill which shall have passed 
the House of Representatives and the 
Senate, shall, before it become a law , be 
presented ta the President of the United 
States : if he approve, he shall sign it ; 
but if not, he shall return it, with his ob- 
j^ections, to that House in which it shall 



72 Constitution of the United States. 

have originated, who shall enter the ob-' 
jeetions at large on their journalj and 
proceed to re-consider it. If, after such 
re-consideration, two thirds of that House 
shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be 
sent, together with the objections, to the 
other House, by which it shall likewise 
be re-considered, and if approved by two 
thirds of that House, it shall become a 
law. But in all such cases, the votes of*) 
both Houses shall be determined by yeas | 
and nays ; and the names of the persons 
voting for and against the bill, shall be 
entered on the journal of each House re- 
spectively. If any bill shall not be re- 
turned by the President within ten days 
(Sundays excepted) aftej it shall have 
been presented to him, the same shall be 
a law, in like manner as if he had signed 
it, unless the Congress, by their adjourn- 
ment, prevent its return^ in which case 
it shall not be a law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote, to 
which the concurrence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives may be neees- 



Constitution of the United States. 7S 

sary, (except on a question of adjourn* 
mentj) shall be presented to the Presi* 
dent of the United States ; and, before 
the same take effect, shall be approved 
by him ; or, being disapproved by him, 
shall be re-passed by two thirds of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations 
prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Sect. 8. The Congress shall have 
power — To lay and collect taxes, duties, 
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and 
provide for the common defence and gen- 
eral welfare of the United States ; but all 
duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uni- 
form throughout the United States— ^ — To. 
borrow money on the credit of the Unit- 
ed States — To regulate commerce with 
foreign nations, and among the several 
States, and with the Indian tribes — To 
establish an uniform rule of naturaliza- 
tion, and uniform laws on the subject 
of bankruptcies, throughout the United 
States — To coin money, regulate the 
value thereof, and of foreign coin, and 

D 



74 Constitutio7i of the United States, 

fi:x the standard of weights and measures 
— To provide for the punishment of 
counterfeiting the securities and current 
coin of the United States — To establish 
post-offices and post-roads To pro- 
mote the progress of science and useful 
arts, by securing, for limited times, to 
authors and inventors, the exclusive right 
to their respective writings and discove- 
ries — To constitute tribunals inferior to 
the supreme court— To define and pun- 
ish piracies and felonies committed on 
the high seas, and oiFences against the 
law of nations — To declare war, grant 
letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land and 
water — To raise and support armies ; but 
no appropriation of money to that use shall 
be for a longer term than two years — To 
provide and maintain a navy — To make 
rules for the government and regulation of 
the land and naval forces-To provide for 
calUngforth the militia to execute the laws 
of the union, suppress insurrections, and 
repel invasions-— To provi^de for organiz- 



Constitution of the United States. 7-5^ 

Hig, arming and disciplining the militia, 
and for governing such part of them as 
may be employed in the service of the 
'United States, reserving to the States re- 
spectively the appointment of the officers, 
and the authority of training the militia 
according to the discipline prescribed by 
Congress^ — To exercise exclusive legisla- 
tion in all cases v^ hatsoever, over such 
district-(not exceeding tea miles square) 
as may, by cession of particular States,. 
and the acceptance of Congress, become 
the seat of the government of the United 
States; and to exercise like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent 
of the legislature of the State in which 
the same shall be, for the erection of forts, 
magazines, arsenals, dock -yards, and oth- 
er needful buildings : And — To make all 
laws which shall be necessary and proper 
for carrying into execution the foregoing 
powers, and all other powers vested by 
this Constitution in the government of 
the United States, or in any department 
or officer thereof. 
Sect. 9. The migration or importation: 



76 Constitution of the United States. 

of sueli persons as any of the States now 
existing shall think proper to admit, shall 
not be prohibited by the Congress prior 
to the year one thousand eight hundred 
and eight; but a tax or duty may be im- 
posed on sucli importation, not exceeding 
ten dollars for each person. 

The privilege of the writ of Habeas 
Corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when, in eases of rebellion or invasion, 
the public safety may require it. 

JVo bill of attainder, or ex post facto 
law, shall be passed. 

No capitation, or other direct tax, 
shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
census or enumeration herein before di- 
rected to be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on ar- 
ticles exported from any State. 

No preference shall be given, by any 
regulation of commerce or revenue, to the 
ports of one State over those of another : 
nor shall vessels bound to or from one 
State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay 
duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the 



Constitution of the United Stntes, 77 

treasury, but in consequence of appropri-* 
ations made by law y and a regular state- 
ment and account of the receipts and 
expenditures of all public money shall 
be published from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted 
by the United States; and no person 
holding any office of profit or trust under 
them, shall, without the consent of the 
Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office or title, of any kind whatev- 
er, from any King, Prince, or foreign 
State. 

Sect. 10. No State shall enter into 
any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal; 
coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make 
any thing but gold and silver coin a tend- 
er in payment of debts ; pass any bill of 
attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- 
pairing the obligation of contracts; or 
grant any title of nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of 
the Congress, lay any impost or duties on 
imports or exports, except what may be 



78 Constitution of the United States. 

absolutely necessary for executing its in- 
spection laws^ and the net produce of all 
duties and imposts j laid by any State on 
imports or exports, shall be for the use of 
the treasury of the United States ; and 
all such laws shall be subject to the re- 
vision and control of the Congress. No 
State shall, without the consent of Con- 
gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep 
troops or ships of war in time of peace, 
enter into any agreement or compact with 
another State, or with a foreign power, 
or engage in war, unless actually invad- 
ed, or in such imminent danger as will not* 
admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

Sect. 1. The executive Power shall 
be vested in a President of the United 
States of America, He shall hold his 
oiHce during the term of four years ; and, 
together with the Vice President, chosen 
for the same term, be elected as follows : 

Each State shall appoint, in such 
manner as the legislature thereof may di- 



Constitution of the United States, 79 

rect, a number of electors equal to the 
wliole number of Senators and Represen- 
tatives to which the State may be enti- 
tled in the Congress ; but no Senator 
or Representative, or person holding an 
office of trust or profit under the Unit- 
ed States, shall be appointed an elector. 
The electors shall meet in their re- 
spective States, and vote by ballot for 
two persons, of whom one at least shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State 
with themselves : and they shall make 
a list of all the persons voted for, and 
of the number of votes for each ; which 
list they shall sign and certify, and trans- 
mit, sealed, to the seat of the government 
of the United States, directed to the. 
President of the Senate. The President of 
the Senate shall, in the presence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, 
open all the certificates, and the votes 
shall then be counted. The person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes shall be 
the President, if such number be a major- 
ity of the wliole number of electors ap- 



80 Constitution of the Umted States, 

pointed ; and if there be more than one 
who have such majority, and have an 
equal number of votes, then the House 
of Representatives shall immediately 
choose, by ballot, one of them for Presi- 
dent : and if no person have a majority, 
then from the five highest on the list the 
said House shall in like manner choose 
the President— But in choosing the Pres- 
ident, the votes shall be taken by States, 
the representation from each State hav- 
ing one vote : a quorum for this purpose 
shall consist of a member or members 
from two-thirds of the States, and a ma- 
jority of all the States shall be necessary 
to a choice. In every case, after the 
choice of the President, the person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes of 
the electors shall be the Vice Presi- 
dent. But if there should remain two or 
more who have equal votes, the Senate 
shall choose from them by ballot the Vice 
President. 

The Congress may determine the 
time of choosing the electors, and the 



Constitution of the United States, 81 

day on which they shall give their votes ; 
which day shall be the same throughout 
the United States. 

No person, except a natural born citi- 
zen, or a citizen of the United States at 
the time of the adoption of this Constitu- 
tion, shall be eligible to the office of Pres- 
ident ; neither shall any person be eligi- 
ble to that office, who shall not have at- 
tained to the age of thirty -five years, and 
been fourteen years a resident within the 
United States. 

In case of the removal of the Presi- 
dent from office, or of his death, resigna- 
tion, or inability to discharge the powers 
and duties of the said office, the same shall 
devolve on the Yice-President ; and. the* 
Congress may, by law, provide for the 
ease of removal, death, resignation, or 
inability, both of the President and Vice- 
President, declaring what officer shall 
then act as President; and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability 
be removed^ or a President shall be elect- 
ed. 

d2 



62 ConsUtution of the United States. 

The President shall at stated timesj 
receive for his services a compensation 
which shall neither be increased nor di- 
minished during the period for which he 
shall have been elected; and he shall 
not receive, within ^hat period, any other 
emolument from the United States, or 
any of them. 

Before he enter on the execution of 
his office, he shall take the following 
oath or affirmation :— 

" I do solemnly swear {or affirm J that 
I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States ; and will 
to the best of my ability^ preserve^ protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United 
States:' 

Sect. 2. The President shall be 
r commander in chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of 
the several States when called into the 
actual service of the United States : He 
may require the opinion, in writing, of 
the principal officer in each of the Exec- 
utive departments, upon any subject re- 



Constitution of the United States. 83 

lating to the duties of their respective 
offices : and he shall have power to grant 
reprieves and pardons for oflFences against 
the United States, except in cases of im- 
peachment. 

He shall have power, by and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate, ta 
make treaties, provided two thirds of the 
Senators present concur : and he shall 
nominate, and by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate shall appoint, am- 
bassadors, other public ministers, and 
consuls, judges of the supreme court, and 
all other officers of the United States, 
whose appointments are not herein other- 
wise provided for, and which shall be es- 
tablished by law. But the Congress may 
by law vest the appointment of such in- 
ferior officers as they think proper, ia 
the President alone, in the courts of law, 
or in the heads of departments. 

The President shall have power to 
fill up all vacancies that may happen 
during the recess of the Seaate, by grant- 



84^ Constitution of the United States. 

ing commissions which shall expire at the 
end of their next session. 

Sect. 3. He shall, from time to time, 
give to the Congress iiiformation of the 
state of the union, and recommend to 
t lieir consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient ; He 
may, on extraordinary occasions, convene 
both Houses, or either of them ; and in 
case of disagreement between them, with 
respect to the time of adjournment, he 
may adjourn them to such time as he 
shall think proper : He shall receive am- 
bassadors and other public ministers: 
He shall take care that the laws be faith- 
fully executed, and shall commission all 
the officers of the United States. 

Sect. 4. The President, Vice-Presi- 
dent, and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office on 
impeachment for, and conviction of, trea- 
son, bribery, or other high crimes and 
misdemeanors. 



Constitution of the United States. 85 

ARTICLE III. 

Sect. 1. The judicial power of the 
United States shall be vested in one su- 
preme courtj and in such inferior courts 
as the Congress may from time to time 
ordain and. establish. The judges, both 
of the supreme and inferior courts, shall 
hold their offices during good behavior ; 
and shall, at stated times, receive for 
their services a compensation which 
shall not be diminished during their con- 
tinuance in office. 

Sect. 2. The judicial pov#er shall 
extend to all eases, in law and equity, 
arising under this Constitution, the laws 
of the United States, and treaties made, 
or which shall be made, under their au- 
thority ; to all cases affecting ambassa- 
dors, other public ministers, and consuls ; 
to all cases of admirality and maritime 
jurisdiction; to controversies to which 
the United States shall be party ; to con- 
troversies between two or more States, 
between a State and citizens of another 



86 Constitution of the United States. 

Slate, between citizens of different States^ 
between citizens of the same State claim- 
ing lands under grants of different States; 
and between a State or the citizens there- 
of, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects, 
In all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls, and 
those in which a State shall be party, 
the supreme court shall have original ju- 
risdiction. In all the other eases before 
mentioned, tlie supreme court shall have 
appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and 
fact, with such exceptions, and under 
such regulations, as the Congress shall 
make. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cas- 
es of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and 
such trial shall be held in the State 
where the said crimes shall have been 
committed; but when not committed 
within any State, the trial shall be at 
such place or places as Congress may by 
law have directed. 

Sect. 3. Treason against the Unit- 
ed States shall consist only in levying 



' ' Constitution of the United States, 87 

war against them, or in adhering to their 
enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
(No person shall be convicted of treason, 
^unless on the testimony of two witnesses 
to the same overt act, or on confession in 
open court. 

The Congress shall have power to de- 
clare the punishment of treason : but no 
attainder of treason shall work eorrup- 
''••ion of blood, or forfeiture, except during 
the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Sect. 1. Full faith and credit shall 
be given in each State, to the public acts, 
records and judicial proceedings, of each 
State. And the Congress may, by gen- 
eral laws, prescribe the manner in which 
such acts, records, and proceedings, shall 
jbe proved, and the effect thereof. 

Sect* 2. The citizens of each State 
shall be entitled to all privileges and im- 
munities of citizens in the several States- 

A person charged in any State with 
treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 



88 Constitution of the United States. 

flee from justice, and be found in an- 
other State, sliall, on demand of the ex- 
ecutive authority of the State from which 
he fled, be delivered up, to be removed 
to the State having jurisdiction of the 
crime. 

No person, held to service or labor in 
one State, under the laws thereof, escaj)- 
ing into another, shall, in consequence j 
of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor ; but 
shall be delivered up, on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may 
be dae. 

Sect. 3. New States may be admit 
ted, by the Congress, into this union: 
But no new State shall be formed or 
erected within the jurisdiction of any 
other State ; nor any State be formed by 
the junction of two or more States, or 
parts of States, without the consent oi 
the lesrislatures of the States concerned^ 
as well as of the Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to 
dispose of,- and make, all needful ruled 



Constitution of the United States. 89 

and regulations respecting the territory 
or other property belonging to the United 
States ; and nothing in this Constitution 
shall be so construed as to prejudice any 
claims of the United States, or of any 
particular State. 

Sect. 4. The United States shall 
guarantee to every State in this union, a 
republican form of government; and shall 
protect each of them against invasion ; 
and on application of the legislature, or 
of the executive, (when the legislature 
cannot be convened,) against domestic 
violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds 
' of both Houses shall deem 'A necessary, 
shall propose amendments to this Con- 
stitution; or on the application of the 
legislatures of two thirds of the several 
States, shall call a Convention for pro- 
posing amendments; which, in either 
case, shall be valid to all intents and pur- 
poses, as part of (his Constitution, m hen 



90 Constitution of the United States, 

ratified by the legislatures of three fourths 
of the several States, or by Conventions 
in three fourths thereof, as the one or 
the other mode of ratification may be 
proposed by the Congress : Provided^ 
That no amendment which may be prior to 
the year one thousand eight hundred and 
eight, shall in any manner affect the first 
and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
the first article ; and that no State, with- 
out its consent, shall be deprived of its 
equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

All debts contracted, and engagements 
entered into, before the adoption of this 
Constitution, shall be as valid against 
the United States under this Constitution, 
as under the Confederation. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the 
United States which shall be made in 
pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, 
or which shall be made, under the author- 
ity of the United States, shall be the su- 
preme law of the land 5 and the judges 



Constitution of the United .States. 91 

in every State sliall be bound thereby ; 
any thing in the Constitution or law of 
any State to the contrary notwithstand- 
ing. 

The Senators and Representatives be- 
fore mentioned, and the members of the 
several State legislatures, and all execu- 
tive and judicial officers, both of the U- 
nited States and of the several States, 
shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to 
support this Constitution : But no relig- 
ious test shall ever be required as a qual- 
ification to any office or public trust un- 
der the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The ratification of the Conventions of 
nine States shall be sufficient for the 
establisliraent of this Constitution be- 
tween the States so ratifying the same/ 



92 Constitution of the United States, 

Done in Convention^ by the unanimous ' 
consent of the Slates present^ the seven- 1 
teenth day of September^ in the year of [ 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-seven^ and of the Indepen- 
dence of the United States of America 
the twelfth. 

In witness whereof we have hereunto sub- 
scribed our names, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

President, and Deputy from Virginia. 

TVT TT 1-- ^ John Lan2;don, 

New Hampshire, J ^.^^^x^, &il,^'a^. 

Massaehiispft^ 5 Nathaniel Gorham, 
Massachusetts ^ Rufus King. 



Connecticut - 



Wm. Sam'l Johnson 
Roger Sherman. 



New York - - - *=^ Alex. Hamilton. 

P Wm. Livingston, 
XT T J David Brearley, 

^^^^J^^'^^y - -<^ Win. Paterson, 

Jonathan Daytoft. 



J 

1 



Constitution of the United States. 93 

f Benj. Franklin, 
' Thomas Mifflin, 
Robert Morris, 
George Clymer, 
Tho. Pitzsimons, 
Jared Ingersol, 
James Wilson, 
Gouverneur Morris. 



Pennsylvania 



Delaware 



Maryland 



i Viri 



ginia 



North Carol 



f George Reed, 



t 



Gunning Bedfordjjr. 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jacob Broom. 



f James M'Henry, 
' Daniel of St. Thom- 
as Janifer, 
Daniel Carroll. 



{William Blount, 
Richard D. Spaight 
Hugh Williamson. 



John Blair, 
James Madison, jr 



South Carolina, 



f John Rutledge, 
J CharlesC.Pinckney, 
I Charles Pinekney, 
L Peirce Butler. 



94 Constitutian of the United States. 

Geor-ia - - - - ^ William Few, 

^ ^ Abraham Baldwiiu 

Mtest Wm. Jackson^ Sec'^ry, 

LY COJYVEjYTIOJSr, 

Monday, Sept. 17, 1787. 

FRESEJS'T, 

The States of JVew Hampshh^^ Massa- 
ckusetts^ Connecticut^ Mr. Hamilton 
from JK^ew York^ JSTew J^^sey^ Fennsyl- 
vaniaj Delaware^ Maryland^ Virginia^ 
JSTorth Car^lina^ South Carolina^ and 
Geors'ia, 

Resolved, 
That the preceding Constitution Jae 
laid before the United States in Congress 
assembled; and that it is the opinion of 
this Convention, that it should afterwards 
be submitted to a Convention of Dele- 
gates, chosen in each Stale by the people 
thereof, under the recommendation of its 
legislature, for their assent and ratifica- 
tion; and that each Convention assenting 
to, and ratifying the same, should give no- 



Constitution of the United States. 93 

! tice thereof to the United States in Con- 
i gress assembled. 

Resolved^ That it is the opinion of this 

I Convention, that as soon as the Conven- 

tions of nine States shall have ratified 

this Constitution, the United States in 

Congress assembled should fix a day on 

; which electors should be appointed by the 

States which shall have ratified the same, 

I and a day on which the electors should 

assemble to vote for the President, and 

the time and place for commencing pro- 

' eeedings under this Constitution. That 

after such publication, the electors should 

be appointed, and the Senators and Rep- 

I resentatives elected. That the electors 

I should meet on the day fixed for the elec* 

\ tion of the President, and should trans- 

1 mit their votes, certified, signed, sealed 

I and directed, as the Constitution requires, 

I to the Secretary of the United States in 

Congress assembled. That the Senators 

and Representatives sh'ould convene at 

^e time and place assigned. — That flie 

Senators should appoint a President of 



96 Constitution of the United States. 

the Senate, for the sole purpose of reeeiv- 
ingj opening, and counting the votes for 
the President ; and, that after he shall be 
chosen, the Congress, together with the 
President, should, without delay, proceed 
to execute this Constitution. 

By the Unanimous Order of the 

Convention ; 
GEO. WASHINGTON, President. 
William Jackson, Secretary. 



IJV COJVVEJK'TIOJ^, 

Sept. 17, 1787. 
Sir, 

We have now the honor to submit to 
the consideration of the United States in 
Congress assembled, that Constitution 
which has appeared to us the most ad- 
visable. 

The friends of our country have long 
seen and desired, that the power of mak- 
ing war, peace,* and treaties 5 that of 
levying money and regulating commerce, 
and the correspondent executive and ju-! 



Constitutioru)/ the United States, 97 

dicial autharities, should be fully and 
effectually vested in the general govern- 
ment of the Union. But the impro- 
priety of delegating such extensive trust 
to one body of men is evident. — Hence 
results the necessity of a different or- 
ganization. 

It is obviously impracticable in the 
federal government of the&e States, to 
secure all rights of independent sove- 
reignty to each, and yet provide for the 
interest and safety of all : Individuals 
entering into society, must give up a share 
«f liberty to preserve the rest. The 
magnitude of the sacrifice must depeni 
as well on situation and circumstance, 
as on the object to be obtained. It is at 
all times difficult to draw with precision 
the line between those rights which must 
be surrendered, and those which may be 
reserved ; and on the present occasion, 
this difficulty was increased by a differ- 
ence among the several States as to their 
situation, extent, habits, and particular 
interests. 

E 



98 Constitution of the United States. 

In all our deliberations on this subject, 
we kept steadily in our view, that which 
appears to us the greatest interest of 
every true American, the consolidation 
of our Union, in which is involved our 
prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps onr 
national existence. This important con- 
sideration, seriously and deeply impress- 
ed on our minds, led each State in the 
Convention to be less rigid on points of 
inferior magnitude, than might have been 
otherwise expected ; and thus the Con- 
stitution, which we now present, is the 
result of a spirit of amity, and of that 
Inutual deference and concession which 
the peculiarity of our political situation 
rendered indispensable. 

That it will meet the full and entire 
approbation of every State, is not per- 
haps to be expected ; but each will doubt- 
less consider, that had her interest been 
alone consulted, the consequences might 
have been particularly disagreeable or 
injurious to others 5 that it is liable to as 
few exceptions as could reasonably have 



•Amendments to the Constitution, 99 

been expected, we hope and believe ; that 
it may promote the lasting welfare of that 
country, so dear to us all, and secure her 
freedom and happiness, is our most ar- 
dent wish. 

With great respect, 

we have the honor to be. 
Sir, your Exeellency^s most 
obedient and humble servants: 
GEO. WASHINGTON, President. 
Ey Unanimous Order 
of the Convention. 
His Excellency 

The President of Congress, 



JlMEJfDMEJyTS, 

Proposed and adopted since the first es- 
tablishment of the Constitution. 

Article 1. Congress shall make no 
law respecting an establishment of relig- 
ion, or prohibiting the free exercise there- 
of, or abridging the freedom of speech, or 



100 Jimmdmtnts totlie Conititution. 

of the press ; or the right of the people 
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the 
government for a redress of grievances. 

Art. 2. A well regulated militia be- 
ing necessary to the security of a free 
State, the right of the people to keep 
and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Art. S. No soldier shall, in time of 
peaee^^be quartered in any house with- 
out the consent of the owner ; nor in time 
of war. hut in a mamier to be prescribed 
by law. 

Art. 4. The right of the people to be 
secure in their persons, houses,, papers 
and effects, against unreasonable searches 
and seizures, shall not be violated ; and 
no warrants shall issue but upon proba- 
ble cause, supported by oath or aftirma- 
vion, and particularly describing the 
place to be searched, and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

Art. 5. No person shall be held to 
answer for a capital or otherwise infa- 
mous crime, unless on a presentment or 
indictment of a grand jury, except in cases 



Amendments to the Constitution, loi 

arising in the land or naval forces, or in 
the militia when in actual service in time 
of war or public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject, for the same offence, 
io he twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; 
nor shall he be compelled, in any crimi- 
nal case, to be a witness against himself; 
nor be deprived of life, liberty, or proper- 
ty, without due process of law ; nor shall 
private property be taken for public use, 
without just compensation. 

Art. 6. In all criminal prosetjutions, 
the accused shall enjoy the right to a 
speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
jury of the State and District wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which 
District shall have been previously as- 
certained by law ; and to be informed of 
the nature and cause of the accusation ; 
to be confronted with the witnesses a- 
gainst him ; to have compulsory process 
for obtaiuing witnesses in his favor ; and 
to have the assistance of counsel, for his 
defence. 

Art. 7. In suits at eommon law. 



102 %>imendinents to the Constitution. 

>vhere the value in controversy shall ex- 
ceed twenty dollars, the riglit of trial by 
jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tri- 
ed by a jury, shall be otherwise re-exam- 
ined in any court of the United States, 
than according to the rules of the com- 
mon law. 

Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be re- 
quired, nor excessive fines imposed, nor 
eruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Art. 9. The enumeration in the Con- 
stitution, of certain rights, shall not be 
construed to^deny or disparage others re- 
tained by the people. 

Art. 10. The powers not delegated 
to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
served to the States respectively, or to 
the people. 

Art. 11. The judicial power of the 
United States shall not be construed to 
extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
menced or prosecuted against one of the 
United States by citizens of another State, 
or by citi:?<ens or subjects of any foreign 
States. 



Jlinendments to the Constitution. Ida 

[^In lieu of the third paragraph of Section 
1, Article 11.] 

Art. 12. The electors shall meet in 
their respective States, and vote by ballot 
for President and Vice President, one of 
whom at least, shall not be an inhabitant 
of the same State with themselves : thfey 
shall name, in theirballots, the person vot- 

/ ed for as President; and in distinct ballots, 
the person voted for as Vice President : 
and they shall make distinct lists of all 
persons voted for as President, and of all 
persons voted for as Vice President, and 
of the number of votes for each ; which 
lists they shall sign and certify, and 
transmit, sealed, to the seat of the gov- 
ernment of the United States, directed to 
the President of the Senate : the Presi- 
dent of the Senate shall, in the presence 
of the Senate and House of Representa- 

I tives, open all the certificates, and the 
votes shall then be counted : the person 
having the greatest number of votes for 
President, shall be the President, if such 



104 Armndmmts to the Constitution, 

number be a majority of the whole num- 
ber of electors appointed ; and if no per- 
son have such majority, then from the 
persons having the highest numbers, not 
exceeding three, on thelist of those voted 
for as President, the House of Represen- 
tatives shall choose immediately, by bal- 
lot, the President, the votes shall be tak- 
en by States, the representation from 
each state having one vote ; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or 
members from two thirds of the States, 
and a majority of all the States shall be 
necessary to a choice. And if the House 
of Representatives shall not choose a 
President whenever the right of choice 
shall devolve upon them, before the 4th 
day of March next following, then the 
Vice President shall act as President, as 
in the case of the death or other constir 
tutional disability of the President. 

The person having the greatest num- 
ber of votes as Vice President shall be 
the Vice President, if such number be a 
mpjority of the whole number of electors 



Amendments to the Constifktion. 105 

appointed ; and if no person have a ma- 
jority, then, from the two highest num- 
bers on the list, the Senate shall choose 
the Vice President; a quorum for the 
purpose shall consist of two thirds of the 
whole number of Senators, and a majori- 
ty of the whole number shall be necessary 
to a choice. 

. But no person constitutionally ineligi- 
ble to the office of President, shall be 
eligible to that of Vice-President of the 
United States. 



fini^^ 






'VI Vl/ ^^^^^^^^"^ <r 

Li 






LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




